The Border is Everywhere. Interview with Mario Luis Fuentes

Dolores González-Casanova: We would like to understand how your perspective on the migration phenomenon has evolved. Years ago, we mainly talked about migration from Mexico to the United States. However, having now traveled to different cities along both borders, it’s remarkable to see that these places’ problems are not just about migrants, they encompass entire populations affected by the constant movement. In some way, they can be seen as a wastelands, where institutions do not reach, leaving people “on the border of life.”
Mario Luis Fuentes: Well, let me provide some background. Towards the end of 2019, the then rector Enrique Graue authorized me to undertake a project documenting the university community’s activities at the borders. It was just before COVID-19 emerged, a time in which we witnessed a drastic change in the expression of migrations. The media’s massive display of the caravans brought attention to the U. S. stance perceiving migrants as a threat to that country.

Often, discussions about migration overlook the fact that those who walk are not solely from abroad; many of them are Mexican individuals forced to move due to violence, natural disasters or, let’s say, historical issues: the enduring pursuit of better economic opportunities.

So, in 2019 I began visiting the borders to document UNAM projects. The results are published in three reports titled La UNAM en las fronteras de México (UNAM in the Mexcian Borders; the first volume covers actions carried out from June to December 2019; the second, actions carried out in 2020 and 2021, and the third, from 2022; they are available in Spanish on the website of the University Program for Development Studies, http://www.pued.unam.mx/opencms/archivos/Investigaciones/3/riesgos.html). In these reports I provide a comprehensive sampling that highlights the university’s activities, courses, cultural initiatives—the vast presence of UNAM’s cultural system—and research conducted across all areas in sciences and humanities. Through this process, I came to realize that the university also generates social impact by actively addressing development changes, poverty and community welfare. This is particularly evident, for example, through initiatives like the social service programs of the Faculty of Medicine, the Faculty of Psychology, the Faculty of Nursing and Obstetrics, and the National School of Social Work. The involvement of young people, accompanied by their teachers, in social service and professional internships has a profound impact. The strong links between UNAM’s offices abroad and Mexican consulates can be seen through initiatives like the Health Counters.

These reports not only showcase the full spectrum of university activities but also serve as a call to action: by enhancing the visibility of the university’s efforts, we can better understand, address and engage with the realities of migrating populations. And this reminds me of another university dimension I observed during my visits: in many places, UNAM’s presence at the borders can be seen through three different ideas. First, the substantiality of UNAM graduates who practice their professions across the country. Seeing signs on houses and buildings proudly displaying “Doctor graduated from UNAM” or “Lawyer graduated from UNAM” underscores this strong presence.

Secondly, through the UNAM alumni association, it is possible to gather firsthand testimonies from university students about the conditions in the localities and territories they traverse. As UNAM, we may not always have the capacity to effect direct change, but we can always bear witness and document what is happening. This spans the years 2019 to 2021, under a new administration and amid perceptions that the government of President Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador has introduced changes that aren’t fully understood. There is also a pressing need to say why things have to be done in a different way and to recognize the importance of local processes. I realized that, beyond testimony, which is very important, there exists another significant aspect: a wealth of essays, novels, and documentaries depicting this changing reality. UNAM plays a role in documenting the country’s unfolding events, which has critical importance.

Then COVID-19 struck, and the on-site social services had to be stopped. Prior to this, there were already challenges related to violence; research methodologies had to adapt as face-to-face interviews became no longer possible, everything shifted to digital platforms. This marked a transformation; I found myself with a network of refuges managed by civil society, frequently in collaboration with religious organizations, dioceses and organizations such as Caritas, whose pivotal role deserves recognition. Civil society has established a support system to aid unprotected migrant populations.

In this context, a brutal change occurred. The new agreement with the United States, under then-President Trump, established Article 42 which required migrants to apply for transit to the United States from outside the country, from Mexico. Besides—something we had not foreseen—an increasing number of deportations affecting Mexican and Central American populations, compelled to leave the United States due to their migration status, resettling in Mexican border cities. Throughout this experience, I’ve come to recognize not only the glaring insufficiency of governmental support, but also the importance of the private, religious and civil organizations, as they truly establish centers of social assistance to help those unable to support themselves.

There are very different processes. We must consider not only a population vulnerable to COVID-19, but also to other contagious diseases, such as chickenpox. This becomes a very complicated problem in the refuges. Amidst this process, alongside a civil society structure that actively responds, a third issue emerges: the reality that borders are not merely geographical, but also cultural and political constructs. The border is not only a space between two countries; I propose recognizing that the border lies everywhere. Wherever there is a mobile, vulnerable population lacking protection, there is the border: the border where institutions fail to provide care, and the border where life itself is under grave threat. The border is here in Apizaco, Tlaxcala, amidst a large migrant population; or can also be found in Giordano Bruno square, in Reforma, or in Tláhuac, Saltillo, and Tenosique, 60 kilometers from the Guatemalan border. The border represents places where populations are unprotected and under threat not only because of their mobility, but also due to the various dangers they face. I have tried to highlight this in its multiple dimensions: threats posed by the authorities, extortion, robbery, police of all kinds, armed individuals, not only limited to federal forces alone. Thus, I’ve come to understand that a new, expansive dimension of extortion and kidnapping is emerging, particularly targeting displaced populations. These individuals are not just Central Americans, it’s a population fleeing and seeking better opportunities for development. In refuges, the focus often centers on individuals from Honduras and Guatemala, sometimes overlooking the Mexican population.

There have been two significant shifts and numerous studies by university researchers. Firstly, the traditional notion of young men migrating alone in search of employment or income and then returning has evolved. Now, what we observed as a flagrant reality is the displacement of entire families—women with children, grandparents with grandchildren—it’s a different displacement, profoundly complex as it is no longer just young adults arriving in Tijuana and figuring out how to cross; entire families are on the move. Nationwide, refuges grapple with the dilemma of prioritizing those who arrive with children and adolescents over adults alone, shaping a new dynamic. This new composition includes entire families in mobility with different vulnerabilities, raising issues such as the implications for a six-year-old, likely born in Panama, arriving at the border after five years. It underscores the vulnerabilities concerning the rights of children who travel alongside their families.

On the other hand, there are also children and adolescents who travel by themselves: like a sixteen-year-old seeing refuge or support, perhaps with their family near the border. In these processes, university researchers forge connections with colleagues from other institutions. Recently in Ciudad Juárez, I witnessed the connections between local researchers and UNAM; similarly, university researchers in Tapachula collaborate extensively with academic institutions such as CIESAS and El Colegio de la Frontera Sur. These are academic networks, many of them rooted in personal collections rather than articulated agreements, and often driven by mutual affection. I am preparing a new book titled Redes (Networks), which explores solidarity networks, experiences that deserve recognition. The book highlights the best practices for strengthening these essential networks. In October 2023 we had a meeting in San Cristobal de las Casas with the Center of Multidisciplinary Research about Chiapas and the Southern Border (CIMSUR-UNAM), the Casa de Investigadores of the Autonomous University of Chiapas, researchers from CIESAS, and colleagues from El Colegio de la Frontera Sur. Our discussions centered on the universities’ role in the southern border, where I came to appreciate the immense capacity of UNAM and other institutions to acknowledge the complexity of current events, to recognize what is happening.

Recently I conducted a similar exercise in Ciudad Juárez focusing on universities and the northern border of Mexico. Universities engage with these issues through academic research, dissemination, but also from direct involvement, aligning with our mandate to contribute solutions to national problems. Our role demands a timely response to bear witness to unfolding events. Next October I will replicate this initiative in Tapachula, and in March 2025, I plan to convene researchers from both borders in Mexico City, aiming to foster a more proactive university approach towards addressing contemporary issues.

In December 2023, I presented all this to Rector Leonardo Lomelí, who authorized us to proceed with these projects. So, in summary, the university wields significant influence in understanding both migration dynamics and the population that faces forced displacement (I would insist on differentiating these two categories because, if we only talk about migration, we might just think of those moving from the south to the north or internationally, and we have to consider the national populations experiencing forced displacement).

It is also necessary to understand the extent of involvement by UNAM’s offices in the United States and Canada, and address the large number of social advocacy projects that faculties such as Medicine, Dentistry and Nursing have, alongside significant research projects carried by the Institute of Geography, such as the mapping of drinking water networks in Tijuana along the border.

Furthermore, we must acknowledge the enormous importance of culture. And let me make a remark: during the administration of former Rector Graue, I served as the coordinator of strategic projects and later continued as a researcher with the University Program for Development Studies. During this time, I had to inform the Rector of the importance of establishing an agreement with the UNHCR, the UN agency for refugees. This agreement will be ratified under Rector Lomelí’s administration, aiming to support the integration of individuals with refugee status. UNAM is committed to addressing a critical issue for refugee populations: the validation of their academic credentials. Among them are dentists, doctors and engineers whose profession requires validation of studies to practice in new countries. UNAM will play a pivotal role in facilitating this validation process, enabling these individuals with refugee status to practice their profession (see p. 60 in this issue).

Another facet of our collaboration with UNHCR involves addressing language learning for non-Spanish speakers, who will have access to UNAM’s language programs. These initiatives are crucial due to the enormous need for inclusion of individuals with refugee status, ensuring they can fully participate in the university’s cultural offerings. This ratifies and renews UNAM’s commitment to strengthen the integration of refugees; according to UNHCR, there are currently approximately 70,000 individuals with refugee status in Mexico.

If there is a tool at UNAM for achieving greater social impact, it’s social service and professional internships. Strengthening these initiatives is essential to facilitate youth engagement with migrants, displaced individuals, and refugees. We are actively prioritizing the enhancement of these programs and their advocacy capacity, forming multidisciplinary groups comprising students of psychology, social work, medicine, dentistry, and law. These teams can go to affected regions to assist both the displaced and marginalized populations within those communities. Recognizing and reinforcing these practices are examples of how the university fulfills its purpose of cultivating students who are deeply committed to addressing social injustices.

Carlos Maza: In some of your publications and press articles you talk about a human rights crisis. This crisis encompasses the failure of governments and states to uphold their responsibilities in protecting human rights, alongside the presence of organized crime. Previously, we assumed that organized crime was only associated with drugs; but now we know that it is involved in human smuggling and trafficking. How would you describe the current human rights landscape regarding migration and displacement in our country?
MLF: Vulnerability arises from the infringement or failure to guarantee human rights. The population faces vulnerability because the state often fails in its mandate to protect human rights, sometimes perpetrating human rights violations through its own entities such as the police and armed forces. Reports indicate a severe situation of human rights violations across all dimensions and rights. Probably the most troubling are cases when the State’s security forces violate human rights, such as the tragic discovery of corpses in San Fernando, Tamaulipas, in 2011, the disappearances, the clandestine graves, and ongoing disappearance situation in regimes of systemic violence. In some areas, violence has become institutionalized, with governmental and private institutions collaborating in the violation and degradation of human beings. In this sense, we are facing an enormous human rights crisis, as the ombudspersons have shown.

A systematic, and I would say escalating, human rights situation is unfolding. The role of the National School of Forensic Sciences becomes fundamental in identifying corpses. A corpse is a human being who has lost their identity, a dead person has a name; a corpse doesn’t and deserves to be identified. This underscores one of the university’s contributions, addressing the urgent need to at least recover at least the identity of missing persons. Violence has indeed proliferated beyond homicide; the Faculty of Psychology is addressing this issue. Through the Extraordinary Professorship on Human Trafficking, we are planning to conduct a workshop on trauma among victims of various forms of violence—sexual violence and violence against the most vulnerable. Obviously, migrant populations face all kinds of violence, including disappearances, trafficking and other similar forms of violence like rape. It is crucial for university professionals and young people to engage with these new dimensions.

It is also important to acknowledge organizations that are genuine defenders of human rights, and UNAM is actively involved with them. For example, through the García Robles award, UNAM recognizes significant initiatives such as the invaluable work done by Las Patronas (see p. 164 and p. 98 in this issue). In this manner, UNAM sheds light on organizations that require bolstering; effectively supporting them through recognition.

An element that is structural—I’m employing the term in its complete meaning—is the pervasive presence of violence, throughout contemporary social spaces. This is no longer only solely attributed to organized crime, but now encompasses the operations of global criminal enterprises. Take, for instance, San Cristóbal de las Casas in Chiapas, where a group engages not only in extortion and trafficking, but also exploits a wide array of illegal trafficking of humans—migrants—money, drugs, substances. The complexity of the situation has deepened, as it is no longer just about extortion; rather, global or regional criminal enterprises are now seizing assets outright. They invade ranches instead of negotiating with the owner, no longer settling for weekly payments. They physically take control of ranches, gas stations, hotels. Consequently, migrants and local populations become commodities in trafficking operations. Recruitment tactics involve coercion, forcing individuals to comply under threat against their families. Migrants are seriously affected by these criminal actions that profit from their vulnerability and their inability to assert their rights amidst a context of impunity. That is another issue, impunity, lack of justice, the perception of collusion of the authorities with criminals. Silence prevails due to fear of reprisal.

UNAM gathers testimonies and offers support, sometimes from a legal standpoint. In Tabasco, there is a notable case along the 60 kilometers between El Ceibo, on the Guatemalan border, and Tenosique. Migrants enter national territory through El Ceibo, where people describe these kilometers as entering hell—and it is not the Darien region. It is the entrance into the Mexico, where everything unfolds. Upon reaching refuges supported by civil society organizations, migrants report cases of rape or robbery, often implicating local authorities, including municipal police officers. But these files are detained. Organizations appeal to us for assistance, specifically requesting legal aid to pursue litigation. These tasks must be done in all fronts. Violence today has become a defining element of the social landscape, and it undermines the state’s legitimacy and credibility.

Universities located on border regions become invaluable resources, serving not only as centers for knowledge and education, but also as catalysts for promoting change and advocacy. One of the initiatives I am advocating for is the expansion of UNAM substantive tasks—teaching, research and cultural dissemination—to include a fourth substantive dimension: social impact.

CM: You mentioned in articles published in Excélsior, that neither of the two candidates for the Mexican presidency clearly defined their stance on migration and displacement [this interview took place before the elections of 2 June 2024]. Additionally, there’s the looming U. S. electoral process, where a victory for Trump could lead to extensive deportations. What are your thoughts on this?
MLF: At a recent forum in Ciudad Juárez, some researchers discussed the potential consequences if Trump were to become the next president of the United States: heightened restrictions on transit and increased expulsion measures. I argue that regardless of who wins in the United States, both Trump and Biden [the interview took place before Biden’s dropping of his postulation] are responding to an electorate demanding tougher measures, including tightening borders and the expulsion of those deemed non-American. That is the scenario whoever wins; there may be nuances. It will likely result in stricter policies and increased expulsions, posing challenges as migrants may no longer be stopping at the border but instead settling in places like Saltillo, Mexico City or elsewhere in the country.

The truth is, this administration’s migration policy has failed to uphold a commitment to human rights, a guarantee under the first article. A year ago, the tragic deaths in a fire at a migrant refuge in Ciudad Juárez were a direct result of the repressive, militarized approach crafted by this government in response to agreements with the Trump administration. This demands serious reflection; our policies for asylum and refuge urgently need restructuring. It’s not just about UNHCR or the Mexican Commission for Refugee Aid (COMAR); these migratory stations, which have morphed into detention and deterrence centers, must be redefined. For this reason, many migrants opt to stay in parks or open areas rather than risk entering these facilities, fearing they may be deported upon arrival.

We urgently need a new migration policy. Let us hope that whoever wins the elections acknowledges that the current policy of repression, effectively making Mexico the second American border, cannot be maintained. It is necessary to really develop a compassionate approach towards migrant populations, and I insist: including many Mexicans caught in these migration flows. It is necessary to revisit and try to recover the National Development Plan as a framework to ensure human rights for all individuals in our country, regardless of their origin. The decision to use migration centers as deterrents and to militarize migration management represents an ethical failure of this administration.

CM: Considering the migrant population imbricated with violence, unable to ensure human rights, and displaced due to climate change, are we as a society becoming unviable?
MLF: On the contrary, we are fortunate to witness paradigmatic-shifting actions that demonstrate that reversing or stopping global warming is achievable. There is ample evidence, particularly from civil society, proving this potential, and what we need is to align governmental efforts with this cultural momentum. I believe it is possible. For some situations, like climate change, we are running out of time to take effective action, but we can still respond effectively. In other instances, the challenge lies in political will—a matter of democracy. And where democracy is concerned, achieving change is indeed possible.

Public universities play a pivotal role. They are the primary structure of thought, action and commitment favored by the state, with capacity for independent articulation. I am convinced: the more I reflect on universities, the more I am reassured that they are great reservoirs of moral knowledge and commitment, awaiting activation. We need to empower these young students to become agents of social change. My conviction and my optimism stems from the immense ethical, moral, and intellectual potential harbored within universities. This is our mission.

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